American exceptionalism is a European-born critique of the United States of America that the country sees its history as inherently different from that of other nations, [2] stemming from its emergence from the American Revolution , becoming what the political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset called "the first new nation" [3] and developing a uniquely American ideology, " Americanism ", based on liberty, equality before the law , individual responsibility, republicanism , representative democracy, and laissez-faire economics. This ideology itself is often referred to as "American exceptionalism. President Abraham Lincoln stated in the Gettysburg address during the American Civil War , in reference to the preservation of the United States itself, Americans have a duty to ensure, "government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. The theory of the exceptionalism of the U. French political scientist and historian Alexis de Tocqueville was the first writer to describe the country as "exceptional" in and Political scientist Eldon Eisenach argues that American exceptionalism in the 21st century has come under attack from the postmodern left as a reactionary myth: "The absence of shared purpose is ratified in the larger sphere of liberal-progressive public philosophy. The exact term "American exceptionalism" was occasionally used in the 19th century. American communists started using the English term "American exceptionalism" in factional fights. The term was later moved into general use by intellectuals. America marches to a different drummer. Its uniqueness is explained by any or all of a variety of reasons: history, size, geography, political institutions, and culture. Explanations of the growth of government in Europe are not expected to fit American experience, and vice versa. However, postnationalist scholars reject American exceptionalism and argue the U. In recent years, scholars from numerous disciplines, as well as politicians and commentators in the traditional media, have debated the meaning and usefulness of the concept. Roberts and DiCuirci ask:. Why has the myth of American exceptionalism, characterized by a belief in America's highly distinctive features or unusual trajectory based on the abundance of its natural resources, its revolutionary origins and its Protestant religious culture that anticipated God's blessing of the nation, held such tremendous staying power, from its influence in popular culture to its critical role in foreign policy? Some historians support the concept of American exceptionalism but avoid the terminology to avoid getting entangled in rhetorical debates. Bernard Bailyn , a leading colonial specialist at Harvard, is a believer in the distinctiveness of American civilization. Although he rarely, if ever, uses the phrase "American exceptionalism," he insists upon the "distinctive characteristics of British North American life. Although the concept of American exceptionalism dates to the founding ideas, [15] the term was first used in the s. Some claim the phrase "American exceptionalism" originated with the Communist Party USA in an English translation of a condemnation that was made in by the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin against communist supporters of Jay Lovestone for the latter's heretical belief the US was independent of the Marxist laws of history "thanks to its natural resources, industrial capacity, and absence of rigid class distinctions. Early examples of the term's usage include a declaration made at the American Communist convention that proclaimed "the storm of the economic crisis in the United States blew down the house of cards of American exceptionalism. The phrase fell to obscurity after the s until American newspapers popularized it in the s to describe America's cultural and political uniqueness. The position of the Americans is therefore quite exceptional, and it may be believed that no democratic people will ever be placed in a similar one. Their strictly Puritanical origin, their exclusively commercial habits, even the country they inhabit, which seems to divert their minds from the pursuit of science, literature, and the arts, the proximity of Europe, which allows them to neglect these pursuits without relapsing into barbarism, a thousand special causes, of which I have only been able to point out the most important, have singularly concurred to fix the mind of the American upon purely practical objects. His passions, his wants, his education, and everything about him seem to unite in drawing the native of the United States earthward; his religion alone bids him turn, from time to time, a transient and distracted glance to heaven. Let us cease, then, to view all democratic nations under the example of the American people. Wells , G. Chesterton , and Hilaire Belloc and that they did so in complimentary terms. From the s to the late 19th century, the McGuffey Readers sold million copies and were studied by most American students. Skrabec argues the Readers "hailed American exceptionalism, manifest destiny , and America as God's country Furthermore, McGuffey saw America as having a future mission to bring liberty and democracy to the world. He noted the increasing strength of American capitalism and the country's "tremendous reserve power" and said that both prevented a communist revolution. In general, Americans have had consideration in national "uniqueness. 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